June 11, 2026

Editorial | Nigeria’s Insecurity: The War Within, the Hands Outside, and the Citizens Paying the Price

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By Mutiu Olawuyi

Nigeria is not fighting one war. It is fighting many wars wearing one name.

There is the war of guns in the forests, the war of hunger in the villages, the war of ideology in the minds of extremists, the war of corruption in government offices, the war of propaganda on social media, the war of ethnic suspicion in communities, the war of political opportunism in party circles, and the war of foreign interest around resources, influence and power.

To describe Nigeria’s insecurity as simply “terrorism,” “banditry,” “religious violence,” “ethnic crisis,” or “criminality” is to reduce a national emergency to a convenient slogan. Nigeria’s tragedy is more layered than that. It is local and international. It is political and economic. It is ideological and criminal. It is historical and contemporary. It is also sustained by silence, cowardice, profit and denial.

This is the painful truth: insecurity in Nigeria has become an ecosystem. And in that ecosystem, the ordinary citizen is the prey.

The farmer who cannot access his farmland, the student abducted from school, the commuter kidnapped on the highway, the trader robbed between markets, the displaced mother sleeping under a torn tent, the soldier sent to confront terrorists with poor equipment, the police officer abandoned at a dangerous checkpoint, the journalist threatened for asking hard questions, and the child whose future is interrupted by fear — these are the Nigerians carrying the burden of a republic that has failed to protect them consistently.

Unfortunately, around their suffering, too many interests gather.

Some religious bigots interpret every tragedy through the narrow prison of sectarian hatred. They see victims only when the victims belong to their faith. They mourn selectively. They condemn selectively. They weaponize grief to deepen division.

Some ethnic jingoists do the same with tribe. They reduce human life to identity. They excuse violence when it comes from “their side” and exaggerate it when it comes from “the other side.” They turn insecurity into ethnic propaganda and, in doing so, help criminals hide behind communal emotions.

Some political actors are playing dangerous games with blood. When insecurity happens under their opponents, they shout. When it happens under their allies, they whisper. They treat national pain as campaign material, hoping that the failure of the state will improve their electoral chances. This is not opposition. It is moral bankruptcy.

Some beneficiaries of the current disorder sit comfortably within the system. Security votes, emergency contracts, inflated procurement, ransom economies, illegal mining corridors, arms trafficking, oil theft networks and protection rackets have created a cruel incentive: insecurity must continue because too many powerful people profit from it.

This is one of Nigeria’s most uncomfortable truths. Insecurity is not only a failure of security. It is also a business model.

Then there are those who want the dark days of military rule back. They speak as if dictatorship is discipline, as if fear is stability, as if soldiers in power did not weaken institutions, destroy accountability, normalize impunity and deepen the culture of command without consent. Nigeria does not need a return to the barracks. Nigeria needs a democracy that can defend its citizens, punish criminals, audit power and deliver justice.

A failed civilian leadership does not make military rule desirable. It only makes democratic reform urgent.

There are also those who simply do not care. Their children are abroad. Their homes are guarded. Their movements are secured by convoys. Their lives are insulated from the danger that ordinary Nigerians face daily. For them, insecurity is a press statement. For the poor, it is a death sentence.
And yes, there is an external dimension. Nigeria’s insecurity is fed by porous borders, illicit arms flows, instability across the Sahel, transnational extremist networks, foreign commercial interests, illegal resource extraction, shadow finance and the long, unfinished history of neocolonial influence in Africa. No serious observer should ignore how global power and regional instability shape Nigeria’s security environment.

But foreign forces do not succeed in a vacuum. They succeed where institutions are weak, where leaders are compromised, where borders are neglected, where poverty is weaponized, where citizens distrust the state, and where public office is treated as private property.

Imperialism may exploit our cracks, but it did not create all of them. Nigerian elites must not hide domestic failure behind foreign conspiracy. The hands outside matter. The betrayal inside matters more.

From the North-East, where Boko Haram and ISWAP have devastated communities for years, to the North-West, where banditry, kidnapping and illegal economies have terrorized rural life; from the Middle Belt, where farmer-herder conflict, land pressure and identity politics continue to spill blood, to the South-East, where separatist agitation, criminal gangs and state distrust have turned communities into zones of fear; from the Niger Delta, where oil theft, environmental injustice and resource politics remain unresolved, to parts of the South-West now facing rising kidnapping anxiety, the message is clear: Nigeria’s insecurity is not geographically isolated. It is nationally connected.

Each region has its own vocabulary of fear. But the tears sound the same.

The government must stop responding to massacres with rehearsed condolence. Nigerians are tired of “we condemn,” “we are on top of the situation,” “the perpetrators will be brought to justice,” and “security agencies have been directed.” These statements have become national background noise. Citizens do not need more grammar. They need protection.
Protection begins with honesty.

The first honesty is that Nigeria cannot defeat insecurity while treating security funding as a mystery. Security votes must be subjected to stronger oversight. Operational secrecy should not become a license for financial darkness. A country cannot continue to pour billions into security while citizens remain unsafe and no one can clearly explain where the money goes.

The second honesty is that Nigeria cannot police a complex federation with an over-centralized, overstretched and under-trusted security structure. Local intelligence matters. Community trust matters. Technology matters. State-level security coordination matters. Border surveillance matters. Inter-agency cooperation matters. The current system reacts too late, mourns too loudly and reforms too slowly.

The third honesty is that Nigeria must follow the money behind violence. The young man holding a gun is dangerous, but the man funding him is more dangerous. The kidnapper in the forest is a threat, but the ransom negotiator, arms supplier, illegal miner, political protector, corrupt official and money launderer are part of the same chain. Until the sponsors of insecurity are exposed and punished, Nigeria will keep arresting branches while watering the roots.

The fourth honesty is that justice is almost absent. Communities are attacked. People are killed. Survivors are displaced. A few suspects are paraded. Then the story fades. No transparent prosecution. No serious compensation. No public accounting. No sustained restoration. No national memory. A country that forgets victims invites repeat violence.

The fifth honesty is that hunger, unemployment and hopelessness are security threats. Poverty does not excuse crime, but it creates a market for recruitment. When millions of young people have no job, no education, no dignity and no believable future, criminals, extremists and political thugs find easy ground. Guns may suppress violence temporarily, but only justice, opportunity and good governance can drain the swamp that produces it.

Nigeria must also confront the poison of identity politics. No religion owns suffering. No ethnic group has a monopoly on victimhood. Muslims have been killed. Christians have been killed. Traditional worshippers have been killed. Northerners have been killed. Southerners have been killed. Farmers have been killed. Herders have been killed. Soldiers have been killed. Police officers have been killed. Children have been killed.
The graveyard is too full for tribal arrogance.

The media, too, must rise above sensationalism. We must report patterns without inflaming hatred. We must name perpetrators without condemning entire communities. We must ask hard questions without becoming tools of political manipulation. We must humanize victims without turning grief into spectacle. Insecurity reporting must inform the public, hold power accountable and help society understand the roots of violence.

Nigeria’s religious and traditional leaders must also decide whether they are peacebuilders or conflict merchants. Those who preach hatred, excuse violence, shelter criminals or inflame suspicion should face lawful consequences. Those working quietly to reconcile communities, protect the vulnerable and discourage revenge deserve national support.

The political class must understand this clearly: insecurity is not a regional embarrassment. It is a national indictment. Every kidnapped child is an indictment. Every deserted farm is an indictment. Every unsafe highway is an indictment. Every displaced family is an indictment. Every unpunished massacre is an indictment.

The purpose of government is not to explain tragedy after it happens. The purpose of government is to prevent it where possible, respond swiftly when it happens, punish those responsible, restore those affected and rebuild trust.
Nigeria is not helpless. The country has capable soldiers, intelligent police officers, resilient communities, courageous journalists, principled civil society actors, creative young people, respected traditional institutions, committed religious leaders and millions of citizens who still believe the nation can work. What Nigeria lacks is not potential. What it lacks is disciplined leadership, honest accountability and the political courage to confront those profiting from disorder.

The solution must be national, but it must also be local. Secure the borders. Audit security spending. Reform policing. Strengthen intelligence. Prosecute sponsors. Regulate community security structures. Rebuild destroyed communities. Support victims. Create jobs. Invest in education. Resolve land conflicts. Address environmental injustice. Punish hate speech that incites violence. End selective outrage. Stop political gambling with human lives.

Above all, Nigeria must restore the value of the ordinary citizen.

A nation where the poor are killed, kidnapped, displaced and forgotten cannot call itself secure because ministers travel safely. A nation where children are abducted from schools cannot call itself stable because politicians hold rallies. A nation where farmers abandon their fields cannot call itself prosperous because budgets are passed. A nation where citizens pray before every road trip cannot call itself peaceful because officials issue statements.

Security is not the comfort of the powerful. Security is the confidence of the vulnerable.

Nigeria’s insecurity is a mirror. It reflects our broken politics, our corrupted institutions, our unmanaged diversity, our economic injustice, our porous borders, our moral compromises and our dangerous tolerance for impunity.

But a mirror can also awaken a nation.
If Nigeria is honest enough to face what it has become, it can still build what it ought to be. If leaders stop managing insecurity as public relations and start treating it as a national emergency, lives can be saved. If citizens reject ethnic and religious manipulation, communities can heal. If security funding becomes accountable, trust can grow. If justice becomes visible, deterrence can return. If the sponsors of violence are exposed, the economy of blood can begin to collapse.

The masses have suffered enough.

Nigeria must choose: continue as a country where insecurity feeds politics, budgets and propaganda, or become a republic where every life matters, every crime has consequences, and every community has the right to live without fear.
History will not forgive those who turned national pain into private profit.

And the people will not forever remain silent.

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